Firearm-related deaths in the United States in 2020 were around double among Black women and men (6.6 and 56.0 per100,000 people, respectively) than among other racial groups including American Indian or Alaska native women and men (3.4; 20.2), Asian or Pacific Islander women and men (0.9; 5.3), and White women and men (3.5; 20.0; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, 2021). These large and persistent racial disparities in firearm-related deaths demonstrate the need to confront firearm-related harm for both public health and health equity.

There has been a vigorous push for action internationally to address the needs of stalking victims in the UK in recent decades. The Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) estimated that there are over one million self-reported victims of stalking each year (Office of National Statistics, 2017). In contrast, a separate research study (Suzy Lamplugh Trust, 2019)  data revealed that police forces in England and Wales recorded only 8,364 cases of stalking in 2017.

Most sexual assaults are never prosecuted, as less than 10% of cases reported to the police end in a conviction or guilty plea (see Lonsway & Archambault, 2012; Shaw & Lee, 2019 for reviews). The most precipitous drop-off in case progression occurs quite early in the process, as law enforcement personnel clear most cases without a referral to prosecutors for consideration of charges (Bouffard, 2000; Campbell, 2008; Pattavina et al., 2016; Spohn et al., 2014). Kerstetter (1990) argued that these actions by the police “form the gateway to the criminal justice system” (p.

Sexual assault is common in sexual and gender minority (SGM) individuals.  While rates of assault are believed to be high, few studies have examined SGM victims’ disclosure experiences. While less studied, there is an increasing body of literature documenting that trans and other gender diverse (TGD) individuals have especially high rates of sexual assault victimization. For example, research suggests that 43–50% of TGD individuals report experiencing a sexual  assault (Clements-Nolle et al., 2006; Risser et al., 2005 Stotzer, 2009).

Risks of intimate partner violence (IPV) often are higher among immigrant women, due to dependency, language barriers, deportation fears, cultural beliefs, and limited access to services.

The aim of this study was to explore the relationship between crime scene behaviors and background characteristics of offenders who commit sexual offenses against female victims aged 60 years or more. Research and understanding of offense behaviors in this area is extremely limited; therefore, the study sought to provide a preliminary understanding and multivariate model of offense behaviors in cases where older female adults were sexually abused.

With 43 attacks claiming over 200 victims, mass killings reached a forty-year high in 2019. Defined as the killing of four or more individuals (excluding the offender) within 24 hours, mass murders are incredibly rare events that account for less than 1% of all homicides (Krouse & Richardson, 2015). Despite their rarity, mass killings disproportionately impact policy due to widespread public concern.

Intimate partner violence (IPV) continues to be a global problem. Previous studies suggest that a high number of children are exposed to IPV during their childhood (Osofsky, 2003; Straus, 1992). Prevalence rates are available, for example, from the United States (25.0%; Finkelhor et al., 2015) or the United Kingdom (24.0%; Radford et al., 2011).The increasing international research, focusing on children who witness IPV, indicates that these circumstances might influence children in different ways. Studies indicate that children growing up in violent homes have more problems (e.g.